The end is near for armed militias in Iraq

Amid shifting regional power dynamics, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken made a notable visit to Baghdad to engage with the Iraqi leadership on the growing influence of armed militias. This visit underscores the Biden administration’s final attempt to stabilize the region while addressing security concerns that directly affect American forces and allies.
During his meeting with Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani, the American official emphasized the importance of curbing the activities of armed militias. Since their formation, these groups have been responsible for a series of attacks on US military personnel stationed in Iraq. The militias have been instrumental in transferring weapons to militants in Syria, which Washington views as a direct threat not only to regional security but also to Iraq’s sovereignty.
The timing of Blinken’s appeal is significant. With Bashar Assad gone and Hezbollah’s recent military defeat, Washington sees an opportunity for Iraq to assert itself. The outgoing administration believes Iraq could act as a stabilizing force in a volatile region, provided its government distances itself from external pressures.
While Blinken refrained from publicly naming Iran during his remarks, his focus on militias and weapons smuggling sent a clear message. The US wants Iraq to step up its efforts in preventing those activities and work toward dismantling networks that threaten further regional stability.
For its part, Baghdad finds itself in a precarious position. Al-Sudani has expressed a desire to prioritize Iraq’s national sovereignty and avoid entanglement in broader geopolitical conflicts. However, balancing this vision with the reality of Iranian influence within Iraq — politically, economically, and militarily — remains a formidable challenge. This diplomatic mission comes as Washington seeks to capitalize on the weakening position of the so-called “axis of resistance” in the region. The collapse of Assad’s hold over Syria and Hezbollah’s significant struggles in its conflict with Israel have disrupted Tehran’s regional strategy. Therefore, Blinken’s visit signals an attempt to consolidate these shifts and prevent Tehran from regaining its footing.
The influence of foreign-funded armed militias in Iraq was not the only issue on the table. The American diplomat also pressed the Iraqi government to shut down the Houthi office in Baghdad, which operates under the leadership of Ahmed Al-Sharafi, known as Abu Idris. This office functions as a hub for dozens of Houthi military leaders who collaborate closely with the Iraqi Hezbollah Brigades, one of the prominent armed groups supported and funded by Tehran.
Although Iraq officially recognizes Yemen’s internationally recognized government, headquartered in Aden, it has never formally acknowledged the Houthis as legitimate representatives of the Yemeni state. Yet, the Houthi presence in Baghdad extends far beyond any standard diplomatic activity. Their operations, led by Abu Idris, remain focused on security coordination, and strategic alliances with Iran-backed groups, including armed militias and certain social organizations. This cooperation allows the Houthis to maintain a level of influence in Iraq despite their unrecognized status, further embedding themselves in the regional network of nonstate actors. In contrast, Osama Mahdi Ghanem, the Yemeni ambassador representing the internationally recognized government, operates through formal diplomatic channels, primarily liaising with Iraq’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
However, the Houthi activities, conducted in parallel to these formal diplomatic efforts, complicate Iraq’s position and raise questions about its ability — or willingness — to control such groups operating within its borders. The rarely noticed existence of the Houthi office in Baghdad serves as a symbolic and practical extension of Tehran’s regional agenda. It provides the Houthis a platform for coordinating military and political strategies, deepening their ties with Iraqi factions, and sustaining their broader influence in the Middle East.

With Bashar Assad gone and Hezbollah’s recent military defeat, Washington sees an opportunity for Iraq to assert itself.

Dalia Al-Aqidi

The recent events in Syria bring to mind Iraq’s not-so-distant past as if history is repeating itself. Statues have been torn down, and symbols of authoritarian rule have crumbled under the weight of sweeping change. The fall of Syria’s 61-year Baath regime — built on force, fear, and foreign backing — mirrors what unfolded in Iraq. However, this time, the difference lies in a growing regional consensus to reject armed militias, who have long inflicted suffering and turmoil on the people of the region.
With Donald Trump’s inauguration on Jan. 20, his new administration will ramp up pressure on the Iraqi government to dismantle the Popular Mobilization Forces and to sideline armed militias operating outside state control. That type of pressure was not merely rhetorical; during Trump’s first presidential term, Washington took concrete steps to weaken the influence of militias, like targeting their weapons depots and dismantling their military headquarters. The message was clear: Armed groups should not have a place in a sovereign Iraq.
Recognizing the gravity of the situation, Iraq’s Shiite Coordination Framework quickly convened a series of meetings centered on concerns that Syria’s scenario might soon play out in Iraq. Key militia leaders participated in these meetings, alarmed by what they perceived as a coordinated plan to dismantle the “axis of resistance.”
Iraq urgently needs genuine reforms within its political system, particularly to address the influence of “non-state actors,” groups that exploit state resources while undermining the rule of law and legitimate authority. Reform must begin with one critical step — ensuring all weapons are under the state’s exclusive control. Equally important is holding accountable those responsible for the deaths of thousands of Iraqis, including the young protesters of the October Revolution.
To truly move forward, Iraq must root out financial, administrative, and political corruption once and for all, which requires bold and decisive actions that prioritize transparency and enforce accountability at every level of governance.
The US, regardless of who occupies the White House, will remain committed to a dual mission — supporting Iraq’s stability and sovereignty while working to curb the disruptive influence of armed militias. However, the real challenge lies in whether Iraq can strike this fragile balance — rebuilding its institutions, regaining control, and meeting both domestic and international expectations.
The road ahead is difficult, but the need for reform is clear and pressing.

• Dalia Al-Aqidi is executive director at the American Center for Counter Extremism.